HEARING R-SANDHI: THE ROLE OF PAST EXPERIENCE.

This article reports on patterns in the production and perception of New Zealand English r-sandhi. We report on two phoneme-monitoring experiments that examine whether listeners from three regions are sensitive to the distribution of r-presence in linking and intrusive environments. The results prov...

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Detalles Bibliográficos
Publicado en:Language Vol. 94; no. 2; pp. 360 - 405
Autores principales: HAY, JENNIFER, GIBSON, ANDY, DRAGER, KATIE
Formato: Artículo
Publicado: Cambridge University Press Jun2018
Materias:
Acceso en línea:Ver este registro en EBSCOhost
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        10.1353/lan.2018.0020
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        atl: HEARING R-SANDHI: THE ROLE OF PAST EXPERIENCE.
      aug:
        au:
          HAY, JENNIFER
          GIBSON, ANDY
          DRAGER, KATIE
        affil:
          University of Canterbury
          University of Hawai'i at Mānoa
      su:
        Speech perception
        Sound
        Phonetics
        Phoneme (Linguistics)
        Morphemics
      sug:
        subj:
          Speech perception
          Sound
          Phonetics
          Phoneme (Linguistics)
          Morphemics
      keyword:
        listener expectations
        phoneme monitoring
        r-sandhi
        rhoticity
        salience
        sociophonetics
        speech perception
      ab: This article reports on patterns in the production and perception of New Zealand English r-sandhi. We report on two phoneme-monitoring experiments that examine whether listeners from three regions are sensitive to the distribution of r-presence in linking and intrusive environments. The results provide evidence that sound perception is affected by a listener's experience-driven expectations: greater prior experience with a sound in a given context increases the likelihood of perceiving the sound in that context, regardless of whether the sound is present in the stimulus. For listeners with extremely limited prior exposure to a variant, the variant is especially salient and we also observe an experiment-internal effect of experience. We argue that our results support models that incorporate both word-specific and abstract probabilistic representations.
      pubtype: Academic Journal
      doctype: Article
      src: R
    language: English
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