The grammaticality asymmetry in agreement attraction reflects response bias: Experimental and modeling evidence.

Highlights • The grammaticality asymmetry in agreement attraction is driven by response bias. • Symmetrical effects of agreement attraction arise when bias is neutralized. • This symmetry supports a representational account of agreement attraction. • Current cue-based models do not predict symmetric...

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Publicado en:Cognitive Psychology Vol. 110; pp. 70 - 105
Autores principales: Hammerly, Christopher, Staub, Adrian, Dillon, Brian
Formato: Artículo
Publicado: Academic Press Inc. May2019
Materias:
Acceso en línea:Ver este registro en EBSCOhost
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      dt: May2019
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      pub: Academic Press Inc.
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        10.1016/j.cogpsych.2019.01.001
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        atl: The grammaticality asymmetry in agreement attraction reflects response bias: Experimental and modeling evidence.
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          Hammerly, Christopher
          Staub, Adrian
          Dillon, Brian
        affil: Department of Linguistics, University of Massachusetts Amherst, United States
      su:
        Prejudices
        Judgment (Psychology)
        Agreement (Grammar)
        Diffusion processes
        Agrammatism
      sug:
        subj:
          Prejudices
          Judgment (Psychology)
          Agreement (Grammar)
          Diffusion processes
          Agrammatism
      keyword:
        Agreement attraction
        Cue-based retrieval
        Drift diffusion
        Grammaticality illusions
        Response bias
        Agreement attraction
        Cue-based retrieval
        Drift diffusion
        Grammaticality illusions
        Response bias
      ab: Highlights • The grammaticality asymmetry in agreement attraction is driven by response bias. • Symmetrical effects of agreement attraction arise when bias is neutralized. • This symmetry supports a representational account of agreement attraction. • Current cue-based models do not predict symmetrical attraction. • Methods and analyses that account for bias are crucial for judgment studies. Abstract Memory access mechanisms such as cue-based retrieval have come to dominate theories of the processing of linguistic dependencies such as subject-verb agreement. One phenomenon that has been regarded as demonstrating the role of such mechanisms is the grammaticality asymmetry in agreement attraction , which is the observation that nouns other than the grammatical controller of agreement can influence the computation of subject-verb agreement in ungrammatical, but not grammatical, sentences. This asymmetry is most often accounted for via the dynamics of retrieval interference. We challenge this interpretation, arguing that the asymmetry largely reflects response bias. Three forced-choice judgment experiments show that neutralizing response bias results in a decrease in the size of the grammaticality asymmetry, or its elimination altogether. Together with the response time patterns in these experiments, this result favors an account that attributes attraction effects to a continuous and equivocal representation of number, rather than to the dynamics of retrieval interference. We implement a model of grammaticality judgments that links a continuous representation of number to the rate of evidence accumulation in a diffusion process. This model accounts for the presence or absence of the grammaticality asymmetry through shifts in the decisional starting point (i.e. response bias), and highlights the importance of monitoring for response bias effects in judgment tasks.
      pubtype: Academic Journal
      doctype: Article
      src: R
    language: English
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