Sectors, Pollution, and Trade: How Industrial Interests Shape Domestic Positions on Global Climate Agreements.
It is usually assumed that the cost of abating pollution is the main deterrent of domestic support for international climate cooperation. In particular, some scholars have argued that, due to the burden of pollution abatement, businesses commonly constrain governments, which then take less cooperati...
| Publicado en: | International Studies Quarterly Vol. 63; no. 4; pp. 819 - 837 |
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| Formato: | Artículo |
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Oxford University Press / USA
Dec2019
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| Acceso en línea: | Ver este registro en EBSCOhost |
| fields | @attributes: recordID: 1 pdfLink: plink: https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ssf&AN=140162230&site=ehost-live header: @attributes: shortDbName: ssf uiTerm: 140162230 longDbName: Social Sciences Full Text (H.W. Wilson) uiTag: AN controlInfo: bkinfo: jinfo: jid: 00208833 ISQ jtl: International Studies Quarterly issn: 00208833 maglogo: N pubinfo: dt: Dec2019 vid: 63 iid: 4 pid: 622 pub: Oxford University Press / USA artinfo: ui: 140162230 10.1093/isq/sqz062 ppf: 819 ppct: 18 formats: fmt: – @attributes: type: T db: hlh ui: 140162230 – @attributes: type: P db: hlh ui: 140162230 tig: atl: Sectors, Pollution, and Trade: How Industrial Interests Shape Domestic Positions on Global Climate Agreements. aug: au: Genovese, Federica affil: Department of Government, University of Essex su: United Nations -- Environmental policy Business & politics Business & the environment Environmental regulations Pollution remediation International cooperation on environmental protection sug: subj: Business & politics Business & the environment Environmental regulations United Nations -- Environmental policy Administration of Air and Water Resource and Solid Waste Management Programs Remediation Services Pollution remediation International cooperation on environmental protection ab: It is usually assumed that the cost of abating pollution is the main deterrent of domestic support for international climate cooperation. In particular, some scholars have argued that, due to the burden of pollution abatement, businesses commonly constrain governments, which then take less cooperative positions on global climate agreements. I suggest that this argument needs further qualification: pollution-related costs rarely have unconditional effects on preferences for global climate agreements. Instead, a sector's pollution level is more likely to influence preferences for climate cooperation if mediated by its trade exposure. If pollution is high, firms in high-trade sectors may be less able to absorb climate regulation, and hence they should be more sensitive to climate cooperation. If pollution is low, firms in high-trade sectors may support climate cooperation, because by being more efficient they are more capable of adjusting to regulation. These dynamics should then affect governmental positions on global climate politics. I test my sectoral argument with original data from business statements and national communications at the United Nations climate negotiations. In line with my argument, I find that businesses in trade-open sectors are more likely to oppose climate agreement as their sector's emissions increase. I also find that in countries where high-emission sectors are open to trade, governments have low preferences for climate cooperation. The findings have implications for the domestic politics of environmental agreements and the distributive politics of global public good provision. pubtype: Academic Journal doctype: Article src: R language: English refInfo: copyright: @attributes: flag: N holdings: @attributes: islocal: N |
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