Electoral Competence, Epistocracy, and Standpoint Epistemologies. A Reply to Brennan.

Jason Brennan's recent epistemic argument for epistocracy relies on the assumption that voter competence requires knowledge of economics and political science. He conjectures that people who would qualify as competent are mostly white, upper-middle- to upper-class, educated, employed men, who know b...

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Publicado en:International Journal of Philosophical Studies Vol. 29; no. 4; pp. 641 - 665
Autor principal: Lenczewska, Olga
Formato: Artículo
Publicado: Taylor & Francis Ltd Oct2021
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Acceso en línea:Ver este registro en EBSCOhost
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        atl: Electoral Competence, Epistocracy, and Standpoint Epistemologies. A Reply to Brennan.
      aug:
        au: Lenczewska, Olga
        affil: Department of Philosophy and Religion, University of North Carolina, Wilmington, NC, USA
      su:
        Brennan, Jason
        Political competition
        Feminists
        Standpoint theory (Communication)
        Deliberative democracy
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          Brennan, Jason
          Political competition
          Feminists
          Standpoint theory (Communication)
          Deliberative democracy
      keyword:
        deliberative council
        Epistocracy
        feminist epistemology
        group competence
        political competence
        restricted suffrage
        standpoint epistemology
        standpoint theory
        voter competence
        voter ignorance
      ab: Jason Brennan's recent epistemic argument for epistocracy relies on the assumption that voter competence requires knowledge of economics and political science. He conjectures that people who would qualify as competent are mostly white, upper-middle- to upper-class, educated, employed men, who know better how to promote the interests of the disadvantaged than the disadvantaged themselves. My paper, first, shows that this account of voter competence is too narrow and, second, proposes a modified account of this concept. Brennan mistakenly reasons as though it is obvious that socially disadvantaged and oppressed people, by virtue of lacking sufficient knowledge of political science and economics, do not belong on an epistocratic council. This is because there is another way of being competent: possessing first-personal experience and knowledge unique to (and acquired through) disadvantaged or oppressed situatedness. Once voter competence is characterized accurately and more holistically, epistocracy's problematic implications of privileging already dominant genders, races, and classes, which characterize Brennan's account, no longer arise.
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