Subject‐Object Asymmetries and the Development of Relative Clauses between Late Middle English and Early Modern English.
This paper presents the results of a corpus study on the Wycliffe Bible and the King James Bible, examining the distribution of the pronouns who(m)/which and the complementiser that in relative clauses with a personal referent. The data indicate that the decisive factor in both periods was the funct...
| Published in: | Transactions of the Philological Society Vol. 122; no. 2; pp. 308 - 327 |
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| Format: | Article |
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Wiley-Blackwell
Jul2024
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| Online Access: | View this record in EBSCOhost |
| fields | @attributes: recordID: 1 pdfLink: plink: https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=hlh&AN=178441687&site=ehost-live header: @attributes: shortDbName: hlh uiTerm: 178441687 longDbName: Humanities International Complete uiTag: AN controlInfo: bkinfo: jinfo: jid: 00791636 7RD jtl: Transactions of the Philological Society issn: 00791636 maglogo: Y pubinfo: dt: Jul2024 vid: 122 iid: 2 pid: 480 pub: Wiley-Blackwell artinfo: ui: 178441687 10.1111/1467-968X.12294 ppf: 308 ppct: 19 formats: tig: atl: Subject‐Object Asymmetries and the Development of Relative Clauses between Late Middle English and Early Modern English. aug: au: Bacskai‐Atkari, Julia affil: University of Amsterdam University of Potsdam su: King James Bible Relative clauses Asymmetry (Linguistics) English language Noun phrases Pronouns sug: subj: King James Bible Relative clauses Asymmetry (Linguistics) English language Noun phrases Pronouns ab: This paper presents the results of a corpus study on the Wycliffe Bible and the King James Bible, examining the distribution of the pronouns who(m)/which and the complementiser that in relative clauses with a personal referent. The data indicate that the decisive factor in both periods was the function of the gap (subject vs. non‐subject): wh‐pronouns are preferred in object relative clauses, while that is preferred in subject relative clauses. In addition, the paper argues that the subject/non‐subject distinction was decisive not only regarding the major wh/that distribution but also regarding the who(m)/which distinction. While in the case of the wh/that distinction, a syntactic difference (relative pronoun versus relative complementiser) underlies the attested asymmetry, the pronouns who(m) and which do not differ in their core syntactic properties. The data clearly indicate that both the wh‐strategy in general and the pronoun who(m) in particular started to spread from the lower functions of the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy, whereby the spread of who(m) was one step behind the general spread of the wh‐strategy. The findings thus suggest that asymmetries along the lines of the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy are not necessarily paired up with syntactic asymmetries. pubtype: Academic Journal doctype: Article src: R language: English refInfo: copyright: @attributes: flag: Y dt: @attributes: year: 2024 holdings: @attributes: islocal: N |
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