D-features or ellipsis in null subject licensing? Evidence from Brazilian and European Portuguese.
Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders. 2005. Is there a little pro? Evidence from Finnish. Linguistic Inquiry 36(4). 533–564) and its revised version in Holmberg et al. (Holmberg, Anders, Aarti Nayudu & Michelle Sheehan. 2009. Three partial null-subject languages: A comparison of Brazilian Portuguese, Finnish,...
| Publicado en: | Probus: International Journal of Latin & Romance Linguistics Vol. 36; no. 2; pp. 185 - 216 |
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| Autores principales: | , |
| Formato: | Artículo |
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De Gruyter
Sep2024
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| Acceso en línea: | Ver este registro en EBSCOhost |
| fields | @attributes: recordID: 1 pdfLink: plink: https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=hlh&AN=180210159&site=ehost-live header: @attributes: shortDbName: hlh uiTerm: 180210159 longDbName: Humanities International Complete uiTag: AN controlInfo: bkinfo: jinfo: jid: 09214771 KU3 jtl: Probus: International Journal of Latin & Romance Linguistics issn: 09214771 maglogo: N pubinfo: dt: Sep2024 vid: 36 iid: 2 pid: 1734 pub: De Gruyter artinfo: ui: 180210159 10.1515/probus-2024-2010 ppf: 185 ppct: 31 formats: tig: atl: D-features or ellipsis in null subject licensing? Evidence from Brazilian and European Portuguese. aug: au: Martins, Ana Maria Nunes, Jairo affil: Faculdade de Letras, Centro de Linguística, Universidade de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil su: Romance languages Philosophy of language Portuguese language Pronouns Valuation sug: subj: Romance languages Philosophy of language Portuguese language Pronouns Valuation keyword: Brazilian Portuguese D-features European Portuguese null subjects Prominent Feature Valuation Condition ab: Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders. 2005. Is there a little pro? Evidence from Finnish. Linguistic Inquiry 36(4). 533–564) and its revised version in Holmberg et al. (Holmberg, Anders, Aarti Nayudu & Michelle Sheehan. 2009. Three partial null-subject languages: A comparison of Brazilian Portuguese, Finnish, and Marathi. Studia Linguistica 63(1). 59–97) derive the availability of null subjects in a given language from the interaction between T with/without a D(efiniteness)-feature and the features of subject pronouns. Their theory predicts the existence of consistent null subject languages, whose T has the D-feature, and partial null subject languages, whose T lacks the D-feature. This paper examines this D-feature approach to null subjects against the empirical evidence provided by Brazilian Portuguese, a partial null subject language, and European Portuguese, a consistent null subject language, showing that it cannot account for the range of microvariation observed with respect to different null subject pronouns and the type of T (finite vs. participle vs. gerund). We argue that, in comparison, the ellipsis account of null subject licensing put forward in Martins and Nunes (Martins, Ana Maria & Jairo Nunes. 2021. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg's 2005 typology of null subject languages. In Sergio Baauw, Frank Drijkoningen & Luisa Meroni (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2018. Selected papers from "Going Romance" 32, Utrecht, 171–190. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins) fares better. It retains from Holmberg (Holmberg, Anders. 2005. Is there a little pro? Evidence from Finnish. Linguistic Inquiry 36(4). 533–564 et seq.) the insight that the licensing of null subjects depends on the interaction between the features of T and the features of subject pronouns but resorts only to ϕ-features and Case. Crucially, it relies on the (theoretically and empirically) plausible assumption that the relation between abstract ϕ-features and verbal agreement morphology need not be transparent. pubtype: Academic Journal doctype: Article src: R language: English refInfo: copyright: @attributes: flag: Y dt: @attributes: year: 2024 holdings: @attributes: islocal: N |
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