Null objects, null nominal anaphora and antilogophoricity.
This paper discusses null objects (NOs) in Ibero-Romance. European Portuguese (EP) has both definite and indefinte NOs, but Castillian Spanish (CSpanish) only allows NOs when the antecedent is a bare plural nominal or a mass noun. The paper argues that these differences are related to the distributi...
| Publicado en: | Probus: International Journal of Latin & Romance Linguistics Vol. 36; no. 2; pp. 251 - 282 |
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| Formato: | Artículo |
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De Gruyter
Sep2024
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| Acceso en línea: | Ver este registro en EBSCOhost |
| fields | @attributes: recordID: 1 pdfLink: plink: https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=hlh&AN=180210161&site=ehost-live header: @attributes: shortDbName: hlh uiTerm: 180210161 longDbName: Humanities International Complete uiTag: AN controlInfo: bkinfo: jinfo: jid: 09214771 KU3 jtl: Probus: International Journal of Latin & Romance Linguistics issn: 09214771 maglogo: N pubinfo: dt: Sep2024 vid: 36 iid: 2 pid: 1734 pub: De Gruyter artinfo: ui: 180210161 10.1515/probus-2024-2012 ppf: 251 ppct: 31 formats: tig: atl: Null objects, null nominal anaphora and antilogophoricity. aug: au: Barbosa, Pilar affil: ELACH/CEHUM, Universidade do Minho, Braga, Portugal su: Anaphora (Linguistics) Portuguese language Nominals (Grammar) Spanish language Nouns sug: subj: Anaphora (Linguistics) Portuguese language Nominals (Grammar) Spanish language Nouns keyword: anti-logophoricity epithets nominal anaphora null objects ab: This paper discusses null objects (NOs) in Ibero-Romance. European Portuguese (EP) has both definite and indefinte NOs, but Castillian Spanish (CSpanish) only allows NOs when the antecedent is a bare plural nominal or a mass noun. The paper argues that these differences are related to the distribution of bare nominals in each language and proposes that the same underlying mechanism is at the root of indefinite and definite object drop, namely a rootless [n ] proform. [n ] denotes a contextually salient property, its possible interpretations being derived by general type-shifting operations. In CSpanish, the property denoted by [n ] is interpreted as a restrictive modifier of the predicate and the relevant variable is bound under VP level Existential Closure. Focusing on EP, there are striking similarities between definite NOs and other types of nominal anaphora, including epithets. In particular, like epithets, NOs are subject to an Antilogophoricity Constraint. This affinity between NOs and epithets constitutes a case in favor of the idea that the NO is a base-generated nominal. The difference with respect to CSpanish lies in the possibility of interpreting the null nominal by a choice function, a function maps a property onto an entity that has the property. pubtype: Academic Journal doctype: Article src: R language: English refInfo: copyright: @attributes: flag: Y dt: @attributes: year: 2024 holdings: @attributes: islocal: N |
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