Affective coronal alternations in Mapudungun: Sound symbolism, change, and morpho-phonological structure.

This paper examines a series of consonantal alternations conveying 'affective' meanings in the South American language Mapudungun (Catrileo 1986, 2010, 2022). The processes target the rich four-place coronal inventory of the language by shifting consonants in root morphemes to palatal or dental arti...

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Publicado en:Journal of Linguistics Vol. 62; no. 1; pp. 35 - 78
Autor principal: Molineaux, Benjamin
Formato: Artículo
Publicado: Cambridge University Press Feb2026
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Acceso en línea:Ver este registro en EBSCOhost
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      dt: Feb2026
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        191114978
        10.1017/S002222672500012X
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        atl: Affective coronal alternations in Mapudungun: Sound symbolism, change, and morpho-phonological structure.
      aug:
        au: Molineaux, Benjamin
        affil: The University of Edinburgh, Dugald Stewart Building, 3 Charles St. Edinburgh EH8 9AD, Scotland, UK
      su:
        Sound symbolism
        Consonants
        Pattern perception
        Structural linguistics
        Emotions
        Mapuche (South American people)
        Phonology
      sug:
        subj:
          Sound symbolism
          Consonants
          Pattern perception
          Structural linguistics
          Emotions
          Mapuche (South American people)
          Phonology
      keyword:
        augmentatives
        dentalisation
        diminutives
        iconicity
        Mapudungun
        palatalisation
        sound symbolism
      ab: This paper examines a series of consonantal alternations conveying 'affective' meanings in the South American language Mapudungun (Catrileo 1986, 2010, 2022). The processes target the rich four-place coronal inventory of the language by shifting consonants in root morphemes to palatal or dental articulations. The palatalisations are cross-linguistically common in implying small size, tenderness, closeness, and politeness (e.g. [naʐki] 'cat' [ɲaʃki] 'kitty'); however, the effects of dentalisation are more unexpected, implying distance, abruptness, sarcasm, and rudeness (e.g. [naʐki] 'cat' [n̪aθki] 'damned cat'). While speakers evidently seem to assign sound symbolic value to the alternations, the patterns do not align neatly with cross-linguistically expected 'synaesthetic' correspondences, particularly to do with size symbolism and acoustic frequency (Ohala 1984, 1994). Based on historical metalinguistic commentary and corpus data, I argue that the Mapudungun alternations are long-established in the language, showing a variety of lexicalised forms, and being deeply grammatically entrenched both in their semantico-pragmatic implications and their morpho-phonological structure. As such, any sound-symbolic patterns are fundamentally subordinate to the grammatical architecture. I propose that a more parsimonious analysis of the patterns is an autosegmental one, where floating evaluative morphemes (diminutives and augmentatives) spread [distributed] and [anterior] feature nodes to the target coronal consonants, along with their language-specific pragmatics.
      pubtype: Academic Journal
      doctype: Article
      src: R
    language: English
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