'Subject' clitics and particles in Provençal.
Several Occitan dialects spoken in Western Piedmont exhibit no 1sg subject clitic form (a situation widely attested in Northern Italian dialects), although interrogative clauses with a 1sg subject feature an enclitic particle ke, identical to the complementiser. Many attempts have been made to inter...
| Publicado en: | Probus: International Journal of Latin & Romance Linguistics Vol. 26; no. 2; pp. 183 - 216 |
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| Autor principal: | |
| Formato: | Artículo |
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De Gruyter
Sep2014
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| Acceso en línea: | Ver este registro en EBSCOhost |
| fields | @attributes: recordID: 1 pdfLink: plink: https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=hlh&AN=98566210&site=ehost-live header: @attributes: shortDbName: hlh uiTerm: 98566210 longDbName: Humanities International Complete uiTag: AN controlInfo: bkinfo: jinfo: jid: 09214771 KU3 jtl: Probus: International Journal of Latin & Romance Linguistics issn: 09214771 maglogo: N pubinfo: dt: Sep2014 vid: 26 iid: 2 pid: 1734 pub: De Gruyter artinfo: ui: 98566210 10.1515/probus-2014-0007 ppf: 183 ppct: 33 formats: tig: atl: 'Subject' clitics and particles in Provençal. aug: au: Benincà, Paola su: Clitics (Grammar) Occitan language Particles (Grammar) Function words (Grammar) Pragmatics sug: subj: Clitics (Grammar) Occitan language Particles (Grammar) Function words (Grammar) Pragmatics keyword: 'speaker' features clitics complementisers particles pragmatic functions pro-drop ab: Several Occitan dialects spoken in Western Piedmont exhibit no 1sg subject clitic form (a situation widely attested in Northern Italian dialects), although interrogative clauses with a 1sg subject feature an enclitic particle ke, identical to the complementiser. Many attempts have been made to interpret this ke as a reflex of Lat. E(G)O 'I' or originating from the reanalysis of the analogical -k displayed by verbs such as dik 'I say'. Rather, I claim that ke is what it seems, namely the complementiser, and entertain the hypothesis that in these varieties the complementiser ended up satisfying EPP-like features. To support this analysis, I examine data from a wider area including Provençal, Gascon and Ibero-Romance dialects in which the complementiser is used as a proclitic particle in assertive clauses (Etxepare 2010 a.o.). On the theoretical side, I submit the hypothesis that the peculiar behaviour of the complementiser ke in that area has to do with the checking of a 'speaker' feature in the left periphery of the clause. pubtype: Academic Journal doctype: Article src: R language: English refInfo: copyright: @attributes: flag: Y dt: @attributes: year: 2014 holdings: @attributes: islocal: N |
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